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dbs Wea ase Re Me de ete GU, DOL ALLEL _. a genuine, convincing ¢ fer is made to the Soviet i! , Union, backed by an aroused American public, _ will one be entitled to say what the Russian [itt Be it it zoe woul reject the world of law. But if from that mo- ‘iment it began to be clear to the Russiang that ‘such a world was coming into existence without || |them, and that their own security was being | | “ingreased, their ideas necessarily would change. ! a am in favor of inviting the Russians to join ‘| ° a world government authorized to provide se- ity, and if they are unwilling to join, to pro- t i et ts rt wy! |’ them. Let me admit quickly that I see great peril 7 in such a course. If it is adopted it must be done | in a way to make it utterly clear that the new ||; regime is not 4-combination of power against ‘|. Russia. Jt must be a combination that by its cpm- ‘| posite nature vill greatly reduce the chances of _| | war, It will be more diverse in its interests than -| | any single stat, thus bess likely to resort to ag- ‘| | gressive or preventive war. It will be larger, .| . hence stronger, than any single nation. It will be /; geographically much more extensive, and thus .|' more difficult to defeat by military means. It will | "Se dedicated to supranational security, and thus _|. scape the emphasis on uational supremacy | Which ig 20 strong a factor in wor. i : | If a supranational regime is set up without fy (Russia, jts service to peace will depend on the (| skill and sincerity with which it is done. Empha- ; sis should always be apparent on the desire to | have Russia take part. It must be clear to Russia, ) - and no less so to the nations comprising theior- . ganization, that no penalty is incurred or implied _ because a nation declines to join. If the Russians . do not join at the outset, they must be sure of a - welcome when they do decide tq join. Those who “ereate the organization must understand, that pbtaining Rosiqn adhenenes, (4 | eased to establish supranational security without” Hkh WC MUO, A IE ls UL casy ip [outline the specific lines a partial world gov. ermment must follow to induce the Russians to join. But two conditions are clear tq me: the new organization must have no military secrets; and the Russians must be free to have observers at every session of the organization, where its new laws are drafted, discussed, and adopted, and where its policies are decided. That would de- of the world’s suspicions are manufactured. stroy the great factory of secrecy where sa "| It may affront the military-minded person suggest a regime that does not maintain any mili- tary secrets. He has been taught to believe that secrets thus divulged would enable a war-minded nation to seek to conquer the earth. (As to the so-called secret of the atamic bomb, Tam assum, ing the Russians will have this through theirown | efforts within a short time.) I grant there is a risk in not maintaining military secrets, If a sufficient number of nations have pooled their strength | they can take this risk, for their security will be greatly increased. And it can be done with greater assurance because of the decrease of fear, suspicion, and distrust that will result. The ten- sions of the increasing likelihood of war in a world based on sovereignty would be replaced - by the relaxation of the growing confidence in peace. In time this might so allure the Russian people that their leaders would mellow in their attitude toward the West. { EMBERSHIP in @ supranational security onl M tem should not, in my opinion, be based on any arbitrary democratic standards. The ong requirement from all should be that the reprer sentatives to supranational organization—assemr bly and council—must be elected by the peopl¢ in each member country through a secret ballot, These representatives must represent the people rather than any government -- which would en hance the pacific nature of the organization. To require that other democratic crit eri . ae ee eat tag PDcbove, nadvisable. Demosrette ‘OMNMCHBE OHS THO BH ED ODO} rere ae tieertetee ty me tem vr er ierivry Gear renraery velopments to an extent not always appreciated in the lands which enjoy them. Setting arbitrary ' standards sharpens the ideological differences — between the Western and Soviet systems, — ur it is not the ideological differences which Brow are pushing the world in the direction of war. Indeed, if all the Western nations were to adopt socialism, while maintaining their national sovereignty, it is quite likely that the conflict for power between East and West would continue. The passion expressed over the economic systems of the present seems to me quite irrational Whether the economic life of America should be dominated by relatively few individuals, as it is, | or these individuals should be controlled by the : state, may be important, but it is not important ‘enough to justify all the feelings that are stirred up over it. | I should wish to see all the nations forming the supranational state pool all their military forces, keeping for themselves only local police. | Then I should like to see these forces com- - Mingled and distributed as were the regiments of the former Austro-Hungarian Empire. There _ it was appreciated that the men and the officers of one region would serve the purposes of empire better by not being stationed exclusively in their own provinces, subject to local and racial pulls. I should like to see the authority of the supra- national regime restricted altogether to the field of security, Whether this would be possible I am not sure, Experience may point to the desirabil- ity of adding some authority over economic mat- ters, since under modern conditions these are capable of causing national upsets that have in them the seeds of violent conflict. But I should prefer to see the function of the organization altogether limited to the tasks of security. I also aes — seen Fianereewemassecsseagazazaaases . weak aoe chad satemialaied ~ eerie iasintenmiadionnd sh cneainaie aha “aml the strengthening of the United Nations, so as not to sacrifice continuity in the search for peace. po Nor hide from myself the great difficulties of establishing a world government, either a beginning without Russia or one with Russia, I am aware-of the risks, Since I should not wish’ it to be permissible for any country that has joined the supranational organization to secede, one of these risks is a possible civil war. But I also believe that world government is certain to come in time, and that the question is how much ‘it is to be permitted to cost. It will come, I be- lieve, even if there is another world war, though after such a war, if it is won, it would be world government established by the victor, resting on the victor’s military power, and thus to be main- tained permanently anly through the permanent militarization of the human race. | But I also believe it can come through agree- ment and through the force of persuasion alone, hence at low cost. But if it is to come in this way it will not be enough to appeal to reason. One strength of the communist system of the East is that it has some of the character of a religion and inspires the emotions of a religion. Unless the cause of peace based on law gathers behind it the force and zeal of a religion, it hardly can hope to succeed. Those to whom the moral teaching of the human race is entrusted surely have a great duty and a great opportunity. The atomic . Scientists, I think, have become convinced that they cannot arouse the American people to the truths of the atomic era by logic alone. There must be added that deep power of emotion which is a basic ingredient of religion. It is to be hoped that not only the churches but the schools, the colleges, and the leading organs of opinion will acquit themselves well of their unique responsi- bility in this regard.