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Peace And Disarmament Literature — Part 5
Page 52
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of the United Nations, with the backing of a
majority of the nations, without the permission of
Russia and China. When they refuse permission,
as they did in Korea, the limited war our strategists
fancy is still open to us turns into an unlimited
humiliation, as the painful truce that continues in
Korea should remind us, for every original issue
remains unsettled. But if we challenge that veto,
our only recourse is to our absolute weapons, now
as fatal to ourselves and the rest of mankind as
they would be to Russia and China. The dis-
tinguished army combat generals who have pub-
licly recognized this state of impotence have been
forced out of the armed services.
This situation should give us pause. While
every scientific advance in nuclear weapons and
intercontinental missiles only widens to planetary
dimensions the catastrophe we have been pre-
paring, our leaders still concentrate the nation’s
efforts on hastening these advances. Why, then,
do we still listen to those mistaken counsels that
committed us to the Cold War, though our own
military plans have wiped out the possibility of
war itself and replaced it by total annihilation as
the only foreseeable terminus of the tensions we
have done our full share to produce? By what
standard of prudence do we trust our lives to
political, military, and scientific advisers who have
staked our national existence on a single set of
weapons and have already lost that shortsighted
gamble, even if they become desperate enough to
use these weapons or remain blind enough to be-
lieve that they can
them?
What was it that set in motion the chain re-
action of errors, miscalculations, delusions, and
compulsions that have pushed us into the im-
possible situation we now occupy? Every day
that we delay in facing our national mistakes
adds to both the cumulative dangers that threaten
us and the difficulty of undoing them.
+
conceal that lose by not using
SONCCA! nat 2055 OY AU MSing
Le first step toward framing a new policy is
to trace our path back to the point where we
adopted our fatal commitment to weapons of
mass extermination. This moral debacle, it is
important to remember, was not a response to any
threat by Russia or by Communism; still less was
it imposed by Russia’s possession of similar
weapons. Actually, the acceptance of extermina-
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