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Council On Foreign Relations — Part 2
Page 47
47 / 74
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- FOREIGN AFFAIRS... a
| ‘found, I venture to believe, to question the wisdom of this policy at
it was announced or for more than a century thereafter. Without it, the Re-
public could not in all probability have withstood the ardeal of those formative
WE Atl ail Diva Die eS Mee Sel See Wl LS sik camee og © Op
years. It was an indispensable part of the scheme of free government. To-
gether with the declaration of independence, the treaty of peace, and the Con- . ~_
stitution of the United States, this policy made up the title deeds to our liberty ~
and the guarantees of our independence. . -
There were giants in the land in those days, men of deep insight into govern- ~
ment, of profound convictions, for which convictions they were always willing |
to contend and for which they did contend. But in all their contentions, upon —-:
this first great announcement as to our foreign policy there was no division. »
And down through the fierce years of political warfare in which men fought |
with the relentless ardor of great souls over almost every conceivable question
of statecraft or politics, upon this policy they were united. Behind it for more
than a century was the combined support and loyalty of this masterly group
of men, the only body of men in all history who successfully organized, set up,
and maintained a real representative Republic. rs
Tt was under this policy that we grew in strength and influence, settled our
domestic problems, brought prosperity and happiness to our own people, and
won and held the respect of all nations, Under this policy we announced the
doctrine of neutrality and maintained it. We announced the Monroe Doctrine -
and saw to it that it was respected. In the midst of civil war, we sternly re-
buked those who would interfere in our domestic affairs and our position was
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tremendously strengthened b y the policy of non-interference with their anairs
which we had always unwaveringly maintained. The influence of this Republic
was felt throughout the world, not because of armies or navies, but rather
through the force of example — we lived up to our creed, peace, commerce and
friendship with all nations. We were not ated, we were not reviled because
we had not done more, and, though alone, we were not afraid. ;
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The World War brought about for the first time a wide difference of opinion
touching the foreign policy of the United States. Since that time it has been
earnestly and ably contended that our foreign policy, so long a part of our
national life, was no longer applicable to conditions brought about by that
great conflict, and that it should be abandoned once and for all. With this
program was to go that part of international law relating to neutrality. We
were to assume a2 position in world affairs the very reverse of that which we
had held from the beginning of the government. We were not only to accept
full part and responsibility in the adjustment of all questions of international
import — and they were practically all of that nature — which should arise in
Europe or in the Orient, but even in the remotest regions of the earth. We were
never to assume the “immoral” position of neutrals. Nationalism and devotion
to one’s country were to be reduced to a minimum. Internationalism was to be
the supreme, dominating force among the peoples of the world. Like other
revolutions, it sought to Break with all the past, its traditions, its policies, and
the views and teachings of its mighty leaders.
In this revolutionary movement were two groups of individuals — working
to the same end but in quite different ways. There were those who sincerely
believed that the new course was the high and honorable and most beneficial
the time ~
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