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Council On Foreign Relations — Part 2
Page 50
50 / 74
r vette ye . tae os ne tae . rn
: and different nations and different civilizations and different political concepts. ~°=---- ”
' Standardization may be all right for cattle and sheep and swine of all kinds, .. .-+
oo a but it is not applicable to peoples, or nations, and it 18 not in accordance with ~~~
- ; the divine economy of things. Be at, Sb rg
Sze a ; - Another revolution, therefore, has failed. It had to fail. It could not esca 7
Da ton the living past. It did not weigh sufficiently the inertia of human nature, it ~~~
underestimated the strength of those ancient prejudices and fears, as well as
those ancient faiths and beliefs, the intellectual and moral paths over which
men and women had trodden for centuries. The fight against nationalism has
lost. It was bound to lose. It was a fight against the strongest and noblest
passion, outside of those which spring from man’s relation to his God, that
moves or controls the impulses of the human heart. Without it civilization
would wane and utterly decay. Men would sink to the level of savages. In-
dividuality in persons is the product of the most persistent and universal law
of nature. It is woven of millions of subtle and tireless forces. No power can ~~”
change this law or frustrate its operation. This is equally true of nations. In-
ternationalism, if it means anything more than the friendly codperation be-
tween separate, distinct, and wholly independent nations, rests upon a false
foundation. And when undertaken, it will fail as in the name of progress and
humanity it should fail. an ot
Out yonder in the sad bean fields of Manchuria, empty formula met reality,
internationalism encountered nationalism, and the pathetic results are re- _
corded in the great disappointment of many wise men. in an old Greek tragedy == >:
you will find this line: “Alas! How dreadful to have wisdom where it profits =
not the wise.” ; oO co, ; :
Nationalism, pride and love of country, is a passion, peculiar to no people,
indispensable to the welfare of all. To undertake its destruction is madness.
To foster it, cultivate it, direct its finer qualities along high and honorable and
eaceful lines, as exemplified in the precepts and examples of Washington,
Bey pa thas will ail
Jefferson, Jackson, and Lincoln, with countless other names that will! readily
come into your memory, is the highest mission, the noblest calling, in which
men and women associated with public affairs can engage and to which a free
people can devote their aims and consecrate their energies.
Its maintenance has cost blood. So has religion. It has entailed suffering
beyond the power of words to paint. So have all the creeds and faiths of men.
But it is worth all it has cost. Ask the Polish people, taking a single instance
from the crowded pages of history. Frederick the Great, in his old age writing to
Voltaire, said: ‘‘Now that Poland has been settled with a little ink and a pen,
the ‘Encyclopedia’ cannot declaim against mercenary brigands.” That was
when they divided Poland. But Poland had not been settled by a little ink and
a pen. Physically dismembered, her national spirit lived on. Homeless, as it
were, it appeared upon every battlefield for liberty and fought for the op-
pressed in every land under the heavens. Without a country of its own, this
olish spirit of nationalism made the land of the downtrodden among all
peoples its home. When the World War came, near two hundred years had
intervened since the crime was committed. But there was no stronger feeling
of nationalism anywhere to be found than in this dismembered country. And
like a ghost of retribution, it pursued those who had inflicted what was sup- ~
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