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Criminal Profiling — Part 5
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(Mie ' Ce. a ee U6 ee eee
Ressler et al. / MURDERERS WHO RAPE AND MUTILATE
claimed not to remember. This man went to prison for the first
killing. When he was released he knew he would kill again. He
revealed that he sought the high level of emotional arousal not in the
killing, but in the successful dismemberment of his victims and the
disposal of the parts without detection—an act that took thought and
planning.
MacCulloch and colleagues (1983) observed in their sample of sex
offenders with sadistic fantasies that from an early age, the men had
difficulties in both social and sexual relationships. They suggest that
this failure in social/sexual approach might be partly responsible for
the development of a feeling of inadequacy and lack of assertiveness.
This inability to control events in the real world moves the man intoa
fantasy world where he can control his inner world. This fantasy of
contro] and dominance is bound to be repeated because of the relief it
provides from a pervasive sense of failure. MacCulloch and colleagues
(1983) suggest that when sexual arousal is involved in the sadistic
fantasy, the further shaping and content of the fantasy may be viewed
on aclassical conditioning model; the strong tendency to progression
of sadistic fantasies may then be understood in terms of habituation.
Eysenck (1968) argues the acting out of elements of the deviant
fantasies is a relatively short step in those whose personalities pre-
dispose to repeated thinking or incubation. In these cases the fantasies
would theoretically at least form part of a conditional stimulus class
and possibly become a necessary condition for sexual arousal. Thus a
conditioning model, writes MacCulloch and colleagues (1983), may
explain not only the strength and permanence of sadistic fantasies in
these abnormal personalities but their progression to nonsexual and
sexual crimes. This model provides an explanation for what Rein-
hardt (1957) called the “forward thrust of sexual fantasies in sadistic
murderers.”’ Our last example of a mutilator murderer underscores
the reality-orienting fantasy of successful disposal of the body as the
cognitive set, driving repeated murders.
Although all murders in our study contained a sexual element, it
was apparent that motives differed. Some victims were raped and then
murdered; others were murdered and then sexually mutilated.
Rapists who murder, according to Rada (1978), rarely report any
sexual satisfaction from the murder nor perform sexual acts post-
mortem. In contrast, the sadistic murderer (Brittain, 1970), sometimes
called lust-murderer (Hazelwood & Douglas, 1980), kills prior to or
simultaneously in carrying out a ritualized sadistic fantasy.
92
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