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Henry a Wallace — Part 4
Page 428
428 / 543
¢
MARCH 8, 1948
cessity for group action has taken vari-
ous forms under the Czars and under
the Soviets. But, and this is a major
premise in Maynard's study, the sub-
stance does not vary greatly. In the
nineteenth century the form was the
Mir, or village commune. Today it is
the collective farm. .
Crankshaw utilizes the theory of the
conditioning of the plain to explain
practically everything about Russian
character—absence of hypoctisy, flexi-
bility of mind, boundless tolerance,
breadth of spirit, and the speculative
attitude toward life and death. From
this analysis it is but a short step to a
rationalization for the peasant’s inevi-
table “neechevo” ot Molotov’s obdu-
rate “syet.”
In brief, vividly written sections
Craikshaw sketches in background in-
formation about Russian political,
social and economic attiudes before
1917. Then he explains, lucidly, the
effect of Marxism and Leninism on —
these attitudes. His eapsule account of
‘the last 30 years under the Soviets
will win no hosannahs from the doc-
trinaire Left or from Pravda. On the
other hand, his summation will be
attacked as “pro-Russian” by the
“Let’s-Just-Be-Beastly-to-the-Russians”
chorus. For Crankshaw does not blink
the very teal contributions of the
Soviets, ~ .
His conclusion offers small comfort
to the Earles and Bullitts. Ctenkshaw
warns that “unless we reach a modus
vivendi with the Russians our civiliza-
tion will not survive the next critical
half-century.” There are, he says, two
ways to reach such a modus vivendi—
by conquest or understanding, Because
he favors survival and rejects con-
quest as Hitlerian and anti-democratic,
Crankshaw believes we must make
gteater and greatet efforts at under-
standing. It does not even have. to be
“mutual” understanding.
Russians as people. Where Crank-
shaw has synthesized large chapters of
the Russian story, Maynard has spelled
it out, carefully documenting each syl-
lable. His material on pte-1917 Rus-
sia is particularly valuable. Perhaps the
greatest immediate service both these
authors perform is the breaking down
ef the dogma that the Soviet govern-
ment is an iron corset squeezing the
Russians into a new and fiendish |
look. The Russians are still human
beings and’ so ate their rulers in the
Kremlin. They react not only to un-
* friendly winters on their internal plain
but to the cold blasts from the ex-
ternal. talk of atomic war. They have
changed their course to meet realities
before and they will do it again.
In the interim we ate reminded that
we might occupy ourselves worrying
about our own flux—or the lack of it.
“The danger for the English-speaking
world,” another brilliant Englishman
wrote recently (Edward Hallett Carr
in The Soviet Impact on the Western
World), “lies perhaps most of all in
its relative lack of flexibility and its
tendency to rest on the laurels of past
achievements, No human institution of
order of society ever stands still.” (Oh
well, we are to have a new balcony on
the White House.)
Maynard was convinced the Rus-
sians were not threatened by this same
danger. “When they find that a rule
does not fit life, they give preference
23
DRAWINGS BY FRASCONT
_ to life...” he wrote in his concluding
chapter, “Personality Out of Collec-
tivism.” “Their gift for breaking rules
will save them from being pedantic.
For the same reason Planning will not
hurt them: for they will change the
Plan whenever it has gone amiss.”’
Sir John also emphasized the Rus-
"sian lack of political democracy while
recognizing their concentration of ef-
fort to achieve economic democracy.
He did not even believe the Stalin
Constitution (1936) was democratic
(“The Russians cannot change rulers
without the use of force or the viola-
tion of law’) nor did he think that
conditions in Russia made democtacy
possible. “What is aimed at,” he
wrote, “is 4 discipline which shall re-
make man in a new image, and the co-
operation of the patient in the process
of remaking. The Russian people is
at school.” Sir John predicted that the
restrictions on freedom of thought
“can only be brought to an end when
the remaking is complete.”
In essence this is what Stalin pur-
portedly said to Churchill] when the
latter asked when Russians would be
allowed to travel freely abroad. Stalin’s
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