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* ee a eo: social philosophy is black nationalism... - ta me™ this means that the political philosc “~ of black national- ism is that which is designed to enc -age our people, the black people, to gain complete control over the poli- tics and politicians of our own community,... We should gain complete economic control over the economy of our comnunnity, the businesses and other things that create employment, so that we can provide employment for our own people, instead of having to picket and boycott and beg other people for a job," oe “ism, ‘sty These words, while militant, ncnetheless raise as many questions as they answer: Who does Malcom mean when he says ‘We should gain complete economic con- } trol?" And what kind of economic system does Malcolm 5 propose to control? Would he simply substitute black bosses for white--or does he propose that power be put in the hands of black workers? Or doesn't he distinguish between black workers and black bosses? In his criti- cisms of those who "picket and boycott and beg...fora job," does Malcolm reject pickets and boycotts as tac- tics? In the months ahead, he will have to answer these questions, among others, if he is to win active mass support, But Malcolm's grasp of the role of the federal govern- ment stands in sharp contrast to other Negro leaders who still preach reliance on the “cracker in Washington, and the hope that sormehow the federal government will be pushed into making important concessions, Malcolm's call for black political power, although vague, is in con- trast to those integrationists who see ending oppression wiciin the confines of the white man's capitalist economy. However, Malcolm is not the only black leader to put forward this new attitude in recest months. Many Negro 7 leaders are coming to srips with the failure of the inte- €Tation movement to win anything from the federal gov- nment except platitudes and jail sentences, Many are! coming to See that the so-called civil rights bill, bogged down in a filibuster, is actually a giant fraud, bothin what it says (or doesn't say) and in the way it's being used as a political football. This new approach is reflected by the forces around Gloria Richardson in Cambridge, Md., Stanley Branche and the Freedom Now Committee in Chester, Pa., Law- rence Landry in Chicago, the "ad hockers" in San Fran- cisco (see last month's PL), and the Brooklyn CORE reb- els and Rev, Milton Cclamison in New York, While these forces are not ali the same and the leaders are not all of equal ability or cons: igpency, they share many of’ the above-mentioned attjtudes, as does Malcolm X, The unification of 411 such forces arcundaclear pro- grara would be a big blow asainst the ruling class, and an Uslut to the entire black freedam movement. The recent ~.an in Wasnitgton of an organization called ACT, -n.8r the chairmanship of Landry and with the participa- _ i.Gn ci most of the above-mentioned forces as well as Sime SNCC leaders, could be a big step in the direction of that unity. In this regard, .aalcolm X's position is not clear. Hom for example, will he reconcile the desire and ability of th Negro masses to ““t now with his perspectives for self- determination? € he reconcile his opposition to integr: tion with his verba: support for militant integrationists and his participation in ACT? Malcolm's statement that he will be the biack man's Billy Graham seems to put him at odds with some form c mass action to secure the black revolution of which he St eaks. Surely Malcolm himself doesn't believe indepen- dent black power, political or economic, can be preached ino being. At this point, Malcolm's main pitch is towards the bal lot, He says the cnly way to avoid a violent revolution is by the ballot: 'Why is America in a position to bring abot a bloodless revolution? Because the Negro in this countr: holds the balance of power and if the Negro... were giver what the Constitution says he's supposed to have, the add- ed power of the Negro in this country would sweep ailthe racists a.d segregationists out of office....It would wipe but the southern segregationists that now control Amer-‘ ea's foreign policy as well as America's domestic polic P .. The black man has to be given full use of the ballot ‘in every one of the 50 Siaics, But if the black man doesn’ get the ballot, then you are going to be faced with anothe jan who forgets the ballet and starts using the bullet. (Perhaps it is the smell of the ballot that has wnal Adam Clayton Powell to the edges of Malcolm's activitie: Or perhaps it is Powell's assignment from the power Structure to use his demagogy to guarantee that the na- tionalist movement becomes nothing more than an appen. dage to the electoral system.) In the final analysis, Malcolm's policies will be test- ed by deeds and by the ability of black nationalism to at- tract large numbers of Negro workers, a feat so far un- athieved by the integration movement, or by existing na- tionalist groups. * To accomplish this, Malcolm will have to develop and explain his identification with the world-wide anti-imper ialist front, a large part of which has transcended nation alism and adopted internationalism and the class outlook that goes with it. Moreover, he, together with oth others, wil: have to demonstrate the concrete advantages of black na- tionalism at home and organize masses of black workess sieSats sR Pee to Tight the white rulers (this implies a certain amount éf differentiation between white rulers and white masses) th , only Kind of fight which will lead to freedom, The New York Times The Worker The New Leader The Wall Street Journa: —_—__. The National Observer. People's World wwe —-- Date — Aida -¢ ___ “‘Qoguoane toler ——