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Supreme Court — Part 7
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social changes are less dear to the people than the ques-
tion of whether we may lawfully purchase liquor? Or,
perchance, should we wonder whether tha impatience
of the President with the customary courses of law has
grown out of all democratic bounds in the last four years?
Consider that possibility !
To express ideas, our chief medium is words. Our
ideas of iberty were expressed in words in the Consti-
tution, Somebody must construe those words; we can-
nflictine interoretations af thea same
or connicty a0G, See et pra wee Wk hae ae
words by Presidents, Congress, Governors, State Legis-
latures. Words can hardly be used which do not require
interpretation, From time immemorial, construction of
written words, statutes, and constitutions has been the
work of courts—of no one else, except that you can bear
in mind the time when it used to be the privilege of kings
and autocrats. The task, therefore, of interpretation
under democratic rule, was for the Supreme Court alone.
There it has rested for 150 years. What other task could
belong to the Court if not to say what the people meant
when they adopted the Constitution, and what Congress
means when it passes statutes?
ot have a score of c
not ary. ae he hee
Not All Congressional Acts Valid
As you know, if a law does violate the Constitution,
it is, in no sense, a law. It has no effect whatever. It is
a declaration by Congress or the states which they had
no right to make; the people had willed it otherwise, But
you yourselves may amend the Constitution. It is so pro-
vided, Today an altern native tw amendment i is offered you.
It is proposed that men, ready and willing to construe
the Constitution as they are directed, -b¢é appointed to
the Supreme Court; with the utter certainty, known in
advance, that they will construe the Constitution in that
elastic fashion which will mean that every law is valid.
The Constitution by this method will have been changed
just as exactly as if you had had a chance to express your
opinions as to the wisdom of the change. Make no mia-
take about that.
Let us review what has happened since 1933—four
years ago. Please remember the average time forthe.
adoption of the last three amendments—less than a year.
Much extreme legislation has been passed in those four
years. It proposed extraordinary changes in the rela-
tionship between man and man, and between the states
and the federal government, Some -ef. those laws the:
Supreme Court has declared invalid. Why? Because the
laws destroyed fundamental rights. Many more unusual
statutes are now being considered by the Court, Others
will soon be there. With the declaration by the Supreme
Court of the inv validity of these laws, the President has
been utterly dissatisfied. He has been angry that his will
has been thwarted. Law followed law, forced by the
Executive. Some men said that the plan was to so load
the statute books with invalid laws, each, please note,
pleasing to certain large groups of voters, that the
Supreme Court would be so harassed that its sound
judgment would be influenced. That hope has not been
realized. But the determination to have all their laws
approved has not lessened with the Administration. If
you have any doubt that the President is aware that
the Supreme Court changes now proposed by him will
alter the Constitution, please recall his message. His
words were:
“If these measures achieve their aim, we may be
relieved of the necessity of considering any funda-
mental changes in the powers of the courts or the
Constitution of our government.”
Who asked that you and I be relieved of having changes
made in the Constitution in the way provided? It has always
been anticipated that there might be changes in the Constitu-
tion with changed times, The manner of such change was
set forth in the Constitution. General Hugh Johnson, who was
ever ready, as you know, to crack down on citizens even when
they believed their liberties threatened by the new laws, has
confirmed the President's statement. In his army way, he said:
“The fear is that he (the President) will appoint
judges who would probably believe in what the country
has just voted for overwhelmingly, All that is unques-
tionably true. He will do exactly that.”
I know that already you haven't the slightest uncertainty
but that it is intended, by the personal selection of new
judges, to amend the Constitution by a re-interpretation of
that document; that the views of the new judges will be
known when they are chosen. Let’s see, in an everyday way,
what you think of such a proposal. You have been in court;
you perhaps have been a juror. Do you remember some
questions invariably asked jurors about to be chosen to deter-
mine facts? A few of the common questions will refresh
your recollections. A lawyer asks a possible juror: “Have
you talked with anyone about this litigation?” Or, “Have you
formed any opinion on this case?” Or, “Have you read about
this trouble, or this crime, in the newspapers?” Or, “Are you
wholly free from any bias or prejudice in such a matter as
the one before us? You know what always happens; unless
the answer is unequivocally “No,” the juror cannot sit. And
you will agree that it would be wrong for him to serve. What
de you say, then? Have you theught, im this crisis, that no
man appointed to the Supreme Court, if this legislation
passes, could qualify if those simple jury questions were
asked him? And that judge is to pass upon laws and the
Constitution! Will you allow that to happen without your
vigorous protest? Is that what any court—most of all your
Supreme Court—means to you?
Right Method Clear
You know the manner in which the Constitution ought
to be changed. Article V deciares the method. is it fair or
candid, to use no stronger words, that the change be made
by indirection? Why should the Constitution be amended in
an atitocratic fashion? The way provided has been used 22
times; what is wrong with it? We are used to it; we know
~how it works. We prefer going at an amendment directly,
We want to know exactly what the result will be. The people
of this country may want changes in the Constitution. You
may prefer to give up rights which have been reserved
to you, But some of us want you, yourselves, to tell us that,
rather than to have Congress and a hand-nicked Supreme
Court make the changes. The word of Congress about what
you might think, if you were asked, doesn’t satisfy us. Why
aren’t you consulted? Is it because you may say, “No”; that
you believe that government is powerful enough already?
Or is the spirit of autocracy in the land already so great as to
irresistibly require autocratic action?
Piease bear in mind, still, that amendment has been
accomplished three times recently in fess than a year. Are
you willing that Congress, without consulting you or your
atate, and by a mere majority, bring about the same result
that would happen if the Constitution were changed in the
regular way? Do you want any man to talk for you on a
matter that is your own personal business, perhaps involving
your very liberty? You can, if you will, and whenever you
will, change the Constitution so that hereafter Congress can
speak for you in everything, absolutely everything. But if
you are to do that, you ought to say so, not somebody for
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