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Taylor Caldwell — Part 2
Page 7
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Be apt ete eter
Se a
ut it is necessary that publié
> Sen
“opinions should cooperate. To facilitate
to them the performance of their duty, it '
ts essential that you should practically -...
bear in mind, that towards the payment’:
of. debts there must be revenue; that to
_. have revenue there must be taxes, that —“2
. no taxes can be’ devised which are not ~ - >
more or Jess inconvenient and unpleas-.
inseparable from the selection of the
proper object (which is always a choice
of difficulties) , ought to be a decisive mo-
tive for a candid construction of the con-
duct of the government in making it,
’ and for a spirit of acquiescence in fhe
measures for obtaining revenue, which
the public exigencies may at any time
dictate. . .
Observe good faith and justice towards
all nations; cultivate peace and harmony
with all. Religion and morality enjoin
this conduct, and can it be that good
policy does not equally enjoin it? It will
be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at
_ no distant period, a great nation, to give
to mankind the magnanimous and too
novel example of a people always guided
by an exalted justice and benevolence.
Who can doubt but, in the course of time
and things, the fruits of such a plan
would richly repay any temporary ad-
vantages which might be lost by a stcady
adherence to it; can it be that Provi-
dence has not connected the permancnt
felicity of a nation with its virtue? The
experiment, at least is recommended by
every sentiment which ennobles human
nature. Alas! is it rendered impossible
by its vices?
In the execution of such a plan, noth-
ing is more essential than that perma-
nent, inveterate antipathies against par-
ticular nations and passionate attach-
ments for others, should be excluded;
and that in place of them, just and ami-
cable feelings towards all should be cul-
tivated. The nation which indulges to-
wards another an habitual hatred, or an
habitual fondness, is in some degree a
slave, It is a slave to its animosity or
to its affection, either of which is suff-
cient to lead it astray from its duty and
its interest. Antipathy in one nation
against another disposes each more .
readily to offer insult and injury, to lay
hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to
be haughty and intractable when acci-
‘dental or trifling occasions of dispute
occur. Hence, frequent collisions, ob-
stinate, envenomed, and bloody contests..
The nation, prompted by ili will and re- ©
_sentment, sometimes impels to war the
government, contrary to the best calcu~
lations of policy. The government some-..
times participates in the national pro-
pensity, and adopts through passion
what reason would reject; at other times,
it makes the animosity of the nation sub-
servient to projects of hostility, insti-
gated by pride, ambition, and other sin-
ister and pernicious motives. The peace
often, sometimes perhaps the liberty of
nations, has been the victim. .
. . ant; that the intrinsic embarrassment -
a
Bo lkewisé.’a passionate attachment’
‘of one nation for another produces a
and infusing into one-the enmities of
. the other, betrays the former into a par
ticipation in the quarrels and wars of” -
the latter, without adequate inducements: .
or justifications. It leads also to coné. -
cessions, to the favorite nation, of privi-: -
leges denied to. others, which 1s apt: ;
doubly to injure the nation making the -
concessions, by ummecessary parting
‘with what ought to have been retained, . .
ahd by exciting jealousy, ill will, and a’* | *
disposition to retaliate in the parties
from whom equal privileges are with-
held; and it gives to ambitious, corrupted
or deluded citizens who devote them-
selves to the favorite nation, facility to
betray or sacrifice the interests of their
own country, without odium, sometimes ~
even with popularity; gilding with the
appearances of a virtuous sense of obli-
gation, a commendable deference for
public opinion,-or a laudable zeal for
public good, the base or foolish compli-
ances of ambition, corruption, or infat-
uation.
&s avenues to foreigh influence in
innumerable ways, such attachments are
particularly alarming to the truly en-
ghtened and independent patriot. How
many opportunities do they afford to ©
tamper with domestic factions, to prac-
tice the arts of seduction, to mislead
public opinion, to influence or awe the
public councils!~—Such an attachment of
@ small or weak, towards a great and
powerful nation, dooms the former to be
the satellite of the latter.
Against the insidious wiles of foreign -
influence, (I conjure you to believe me
. fellow citizens,) the jealousy of a free
people ought to be constantly awake;
since history and experience prove, that
foreign infiuence Is one of the most bane~
ful-foes of republican government. But
thet jealousy, to be useful, must be im- .
partial, else it becomes the instrument of
the very influence to be avoided, instead -
_ of a defense against jt. Excessive par-
tiality for one foreign nation and ex-
cessive dislike for another, cause those
whom they actuate to see danger only
on one side, and serve to veil and even:
second the arts of influence on the other. *"-
Real patriots, who may resist the in-
trigues of the favorite, are Mable to be- -
“come suspected and odious; while its’
tools and dupes usurp the applause and .
confidence of the people, to surrender.
their interest. =
The great rule of conduct for us, in
regard to foreign nations, is,imextending
our commercial relations, to have with’:
them as Mttle political connection ss
possible, So far as we have already
formed engagements, let them be ful-
filled with perfect good faith:—Here jet
us stop. - ‘ .
Europe has a set of primary interests,
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