◆ SpookStack

more than a political one. Young whites, after all, are Oppressed more by boredom than they are b poverty or potential powerlessness. Boredom is their condilion of life, it represenis their present as well as their future. Abbie put into a political and activist context what Tim Leary was preaching and The Beetles were singing. “Drop out, drop out, everybody drop out.” Revolution is not an ideology or a seric3 of positions one takes on specific issues. It is existential, it is now, it is the way you live your life, not tomorrow after the revolution, but todzy as if it were already here. How to give such a revolution momentum, prevent it from being coopted, transform it into a viable political movement? “You build a better system,”’ Abbie told an SDS gathoring in Junc 1967. “Assume America is already dead, dead for those kids who are flocking to the Lower East Side and Haicht-Ashbury, and give them a new, positive, authentic frame of referen. e, If it’s done ef fectively they won't go back.” jc Talk about life-style and alternatives has become commonplace in the Movement, but in the spring of ‘67, when the Movement was short-haired and straight, it was pretty heady stuff. The leadership vas out of touch with developments in the Haight and in other new-age communities. Pot was thought Toring vouns people into frivolity, ont of lee o.overnent. In discussing the Movement one coe AP VTrots? ond about yottre hundseds of thotonus Of respcet ble loching people to march davn T Pith Avenue so thet Mie pe we ero pled ate . oie, AG Y i meek YOU gualle LO convince President Johnson to stop the bombing if woe se dae Me lw contribute to toe cost of a full-peve ad in the Sunday Times, Allen Ginsuorg wos turning on a fow of the younger New Leftists, Jerry Rubin for instance; but most Moveiient people looked down upon the growing hippie thing with disgust, embarressment, or with confidence that it was an ivelevant end passing ws for Abbie Hoffman, the stalwarts on the left eed hin to he boattielaty ideclegical aac morahetie. Abbie, of course, war plesed to necepey both criticisins. He was never into left-wing slocancering. “America js racist, America is imperialistic ...,’’ Abbie writes, “Ee the Bah- Bah-Bah-Bahi-Beh-Bah-Ben-Bah = Sheep” Poa beep te an tie Left spvd anast of fhe this > tellin: fe cock othor oe he that.” As for the moral imperative, speuking in terms of the “demands of conscience,” Abbie says, “I think fun and jeisure are great. J don’t like the concept of a raver sont hijlt on Fucl iPice, dedication, naiby, agen, Husiruciin anu i pitlit. Au thos e ry owt, ’ 2US dada n ee’ ae HL OL, . your cr -ativity, th en get jut of school, quit your *ob. Coms on and help build and defend the suciely you uw ant, o” No wonder tne traditionalists of the Old and New Left put Abbie down. They are talking about children being napelmed in Vietnam, Abbie is talking of gutting laid. The most convincing parts of Revolution for the Hell of It deal with communications and the media. Abbie observes that a JO-sccond spot commercial is more effective in conveying a message then the news reports it pays for. What goad is it to tel people that children are being killed in an illegal, immoral and unjust war in Vietnam when they see it being done every night on TV right in their living rooms~and are not moved by it. The traditional left, with its position papers, slogans, leaflets, ideological nitpicking, etc., still functions in an ave of reason under the liberal assumption that there exists a free and open market place for ideas. They operate solely in a political context without any concern for the psychological and technological forces that have a far greater influence on the public mind than has politics. A basic premise of Abbie Hoffman, as well as other media-orientated activists in the Movement, is that the great majoiity of Americans are no longer susceptible to education. Scared, defensive, uptight, their computerized minds programmed to reject anything but the comfortable status quo, they are no longer susceptible to a political a} iternative, no maffer how ele: ay articulated. How then to reach these poople? Open them up to new ideas? Inctead of facts, use “monkey werfare,” Abbie says. Use Hay tal and heaire. _ see i@ ine syiabols, fOW their riinds, come pe on, chaos, “A Perfect Moss.’’ Crooaky viacog, G Lew order that demands new information, because the old data won’t do, won't votie 2. wilich they see but don? t want to accent. Abbie describes his monkey warfare as one part Andy Werhol (Lecause Warhol understands the nmicdia} and one part Fide! Castro (because Castro has a prcsion for social chenge). In a tolerant socie ty, Abbie says, us¢ Warhol as a model. In a repressive sociauy, use Castro. In the United States, blend the two for best results, - The exorcism of the Pentagon and the littering of the Steck Exvtoces fleor are the two most suceccsin] cttemaots ot Monkey Warfare. The Yippee Celebration of Life was planned on a much more ambitious scele. His Cotciioration into an inevitable confrontation with the police represents the ditemina which Abbie-has not successfully resolved. From U5 inpiion, Yippee suffered from schivephrenta: oa vision of a celebration and manifestation of an allernative life-s tyle (a very real concern of Abbie’s which, regrettably, is underplayed in the book) as against a confrontation with the pote Gaga nati of stuipping the Democratic Party ere ra ee eee, ee of re aden uiey auc bl Ung th + a toge rome rs contrentriion, ‘t + Hae bebwecn the ive, however, was never herd ‘ond cloar. Abbie thinks that the entire week in Chicaso was a great success. He