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Peace And Disarmament Literature — Part 5
Page 57
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inverted fashion by our identifying our safety and
welfare with the one-sided expansion of our weap-
ons system. Thus we surrendered the initiative
to our instruments, confusing physical power with
rational human purpose, forgetting that machincs
and weapons have no valucs and no goals, above
all, no limits and no restraints except those that
human beings superimpose on them.
The one thing that might have rectified our
government’s premature exploitation of atomic
power would have been a public assize of its
manifold dangers, even for wider industrial and
medical use. As early as the winter of 1945-1946
the Senate Atomic Energy Committce made the
first full inquiry into these matters, and the
physicists who appeared before this committee
gave forecasts whose accuracy was fully confirmed
in the tardy hearings that have just taken place
before a joint congressional committee. Almost
with one voice, these scientists predicted that
Soviet Russia would be able to produce a nuclear
bomb within five years, possibly within three. On
that basis, the nations of the world had three
“safe” years to create through the United Nations
the necessary political and moral safeguards
against the misuse of this new power.
There was no salvation, the more alert leaders
of science wisely pointed out, on purely national
terms. Naturally, Russia’s totalitarian isolation-
ism and suspicion made it difficult to arrive at a
basis for rational agreement, but our own sense
of holding all the trump cards did not lessen this
difficulty. All too quickly, after the Russian re-
jection of our generous but politically unsound
Baruch proposal, our country used Russian hos-
tility as an excuse for abandoning all further effort.
Even before we had openly committed ourselves
to the Cold War itself—-a now obsolete pre-
atomic military concept — our leaders preferred
to build a threatening ring of air bases around
Russia rather than to pursue with patient circum-
spection a course directed toward securing even-
tual understanding and cooperation. So the diffi-
cult became the impossible.
As late as 1947 this situation, though grave,
was not disastrous. Our very mistakes in turning
to mass extermination were capable, if openly
and honestly faced, of leading both ourselves and
the world back 10 the right path. Up to then,
our totalitarian weapons system had not yet con-
solidatcd its position or threatened our iree in-
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