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Peace And Disarmament Literature — Part 5
Page 63
63 / 171
l
4
~!
policies
and
appropriate
decisions
would
quickly
suggest
themselves.
This
would
do
more
to
e'eet
an
immediate
improvement
in
the
relations
be-
tween
the
two
powers
now
committed
to
prepar-
ing
for
mutual
extermination
than
endless
parleys
between
their
heads
of
government.
A
moral
about-iace.does
not
demand,
as
those
whose
minds
are
congealed
by
the
Cold
War
suppose,
either
a surrender
to
Russian
Commu-
nism
or
a
series
of
futile
appeasements;
neither
does
it
mean
any
increase
in
the
dangers
under
which
we
now
live:
just
the
contrary.
Those
who
see
no
other
alternatives
are
still
living
in
the
pre-nuclear
world;
they
do
not
understand
that
our
greatest
enemy
is
not
Russia
but
our
treacher-
ous
weapons,
and
that
our
commitment
to
these
weapons
is
what
has
prevented
us
from
con-
ceiving
and
proposing
the
necessary
means
for
extending
the
area
of
effective
freedom
and,
above
all,
for
safeguarding
mankind
from
mean-
ingless
mutilation
and
massacre.
No
dangers
we
might
face
once
we
abandoned
the
very
possibility
of
using
mass
extermination
would
be
as
great
as
those
under
which
we
now
live;
yet
this
is
not
to
say
that
a bold
change
of
policy would
be
immediately
successful,
or
that
before
it
had
time
to
register
its
full
effects
in
other
countries
it
might
not
tempt
Russia
to
risk
measures
to
extend
over
other
areas
its
own
mon-
olithic
System
of
minority
single-party
government.
But
need
I
emphasize
that
these
possible
penalties
could
hardly
be
worse
than
those
our
government
meekly
accepted
in
Czechoslovakia,
Poland,
and
Korea,
at
a time
when
we
still
hugged
the
illu-
sion
of
wielding
absolute
power
through
our
monopoly
of
nuclear
weapons?
While
sober
judg-
ment
nced
not
minimize
these
transitional
diffi-
culties
and
possible
losses,
one
must
not
under-
estimate,
cithcr,
the
impact
of
a
new
policy,
wholly
concerned
to
re-establish
the
moral
con-
trols
and
political
cooperations
necessary
to
enable
mankind
to
halt
the
threatening
misuse
of
the
ex-
traordinary
powers
that
it now
commands.
Even
in
a purely
military
sense,
this
changed
orientation
might
produce
the
greatest
dilliculties
for
those
Communist
governments
who
misunder-
stood
its
intention
and
sought
to
turn
it
to
their
private
national
advantage.
Russia
would
no
more
be
able
to
escape
the
impact
of
our
huma
nc
plans
and
moralizcd
proposals
than
it
was
able
to
avoid
the
impact
and
challenge
of
our
nuclear
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