Reader Ad Slot
Reader Ad Slot placeholder
If you would like to support SpookStack without paying out of pocket, please consider allowing advertising cookies. It helps cover hosting costs and keeps the archive free to browse. You can change this choice at any time.
HEARNAP — Part 39
Page 74
74 / 211
we
ty ws Gee peibeneden Wao satiluly appiea ba KUSsid. “Luis,
in passing, explains why the revolution in Russia brought the
proletariat to power. In previous revolutions it usually happened
that the workers did all the fighting at the barricades, shed their
blood and overthrew the old order, but power passed into the
hands of the bourgeoisie, which oppressed and exploited the
workers, That was the case in England and in France. That
was the case in Germany. In Russia, however, things took a
different turn. In Russia, the workers did not merely represent
the shock troops of the revolution. While serving as the shock
troops of the revolution, the Russian proletariat at the, same
time strove for hegemony, for the political leadership of all the
exploited masses of town and country, rallying them around
itself, detaching them from the bourgeoisie and politically iso
lating the bourgeoisie. Being the leader of the exploited masses,
the Russian proletariat all the time waged a fight to seize power
sin its own hands and utilize it in its own interests against the
bourgeoisie and against capitalism. This explains why every
powerful outbreak of the revolution in Russia, as in October
1905, and in February 1917, gave rise to Soviets of Workers’
Deputies as the embryo of the new apparatus of power—the
function of which would be to crush the bourgeoisie~as against
the bourgeois parliament, the old apparatus of power—the func-
tion of which was to-crush the’proletariat. On two occasions the
bourgeoisie in Russia tried to restore the bourgeois parliament
and put an end to the soviets: in August 1917, at the time of the
“Preliminary Parliament” prior to the capture of power by the
Bolsheviks, and in January 1918, at the time of the “Constituent
Assembly” after power had been seized by the proletariat. On
doth occasions these efforts failed. Why? Because the bourgecisie
was already politically isolated. The vast masses of the toilers
regarded the proletariat as the sole leader of the revolution and
the soviets had already been tried and tested by the masses as
their own workers’ government. For the proletariat to have sub-
stituted these soviets by a bourgeois parliament would have been
tantamount to committing suicide. It is not surprising, therefore,
that bourgeois parliamentarism did not take root in Russia. That
is why the revolution in Russia led to the establishment of the
tule of the proletariat. These were the results of the application
of the Leninist system of the hegemony of the proletariat in
revolution. ;
3o
Fifth: the national and colonial question. In analyzing the
events in Ireland, India, China and the Central European coun-
tries like Poland and Hungary, in their time, Marx and Engels
developed the basic, initial ideas of the national and colonial
question. In his works Lenin based himself on these ideas. Lenin's
new contribution in this field was: (a) that he gathered these
ideas into one symmetrical system of views on national and
colonial revolutions in the epoch of imperialism; (b) that he
connected the national and colonial question with the question
of overthrowing imperialism, and (c} that he declared the nation-
al and colonial question to be a component part of the general
question of international proletarian revolution.
Finally: the question of the party of the proletariat. Marx
and Engels gave the main outlines of the idea of the Party as
being the vanguard of the protetariat, without which (the party),
the proletariat could not achieve its emancipation, could not cap-
ture power or reconstruct capitalist society. Lenin's new contribu-
tion to this theory was that he developed these outlines further
and applied them to the new conditions of the proletarian strug-
gle in the period of imperialism and showed: (a) that the party
is a higher form of the class organization of the proletariat as
compared with the other forms of proletarian organization (labor
unions, co-operative societies, state Organization) and, more-
over, its function is to generalize and direct the work of these or-
ganizations; (b) that the dictatorship of the proletariat may be
realized only through the party as its directing force; (c) that
the dictatorship of the proletariat can be complete only if it is led
by a single party, the Communist Party, which does not and must
not share leadership with any other party; and (d) chat without
iron discipline in the party, the tasks of the dictatorship of the
proletariat to crush the exploiters and to transform class society
into socialist sociery cannot be fulfilled.
This, in the main, is the new contribution which Lenin made
in his works; he developed and made more concrete the doctrines
of Marx in a manner applicable to the new conditions of the pro-
letarian struggle in the period of imperialism.
That is why we say that Leninism is Marxism of the epoch
of imperialism and proletarian revolutions,
From this it is clear that Leninism cannot be separated from
Marxism, still less can it be contrasted wich Marxism.
Karl Marx, Selected Works, Vol. I, PP. 74-79.
. 383i
ne
ape meet mom, me teres) ee ep ee
wee rey oe Faction ™ :
fern uibhanbirs
, wha
1 ate anne me ete
oy ae
ee ee ee ee
>
Reveal the original PDF page, then click a word to highlight the OCR text.
Community corrections
No user corrections yet.
Comments
No comments on this document yet.
Bottom Reader Ad Slot
Bottom Reader Ad Slot placeholder
If you would like to support SpookStack without paying out of pocket, please consider allowing advertising cookies. It helps cover hosting costs and keeps the archive free to browse. You can change this choice at any time.
Continue Exploring
Reader
Topic
Agency Collection
Explore This Archive Cluster
Broad Topic Hub
Topic Hub
Related subtopics
Subtopic
Subtopic
Subtopic
Subtopic
Subtopic
Subtopic