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Henry a Wallace — Part 4
Page 206
206 / 543
PRIL 14, 1947
de eee a ee wee
11
Washington Wire
fu iv
Yewey v. Truman in ’48
HE political prospect in brief is:
Dewey will run against Truman
. 1948, and win. The qualifications are
’o: Taft may deadlock the convention,
hen he or a dark horse might be
ominated; and Truman might beat
ewey. Neither of these chances seems
verlikely now.
Truman’s Jefferson Day dinner speech -
idicates his campaign platform. His
ypularity has been increasing. Short of
vath, he will be the Democratic candi-
ite. Undoubtedly his position has im-
‘oved, but Washington observers still
ink Dewey would have the edge.
‘owever, the Republicans seem bent on
iocking. themselves out, and we must
ever underestimate their capacities in
at ditection. More seriously, Truman
n’t win without the independent voters.
emocratic advisers kriow this. Liberals
‘obably hold the balance’ of power.
‘Dewey is an opportunist. Neither ”
OP politicians nor correspondents like
‘m much: But he is hard, efficient, ef-
ctive. He didn’t get far against Roose-
At; Truman might be easier.
Taft, of course, is a possibility. As
aft introduces his new labor bill he
ill ‘share the Washington spotlight.
at the Lilienthal fight really showed
aft up. Call it what you will, his op-
ssition to internationalizing the atom
»mb, his attack on the Acheson-Lilien-
al-Baruch program, are really isola-
mism. It’s hard to conceive of the
tblic taking him.
Does Vandenberg have a chance? His
velopment is fascinating. Three years
‘o he was an isolationist, as conserva-
‘eas Taft. Then something happened.
indenberg grew; Taft didn’t. But
ain it’s hard to see the GOP picking
wndenberg. Take the Lilienthal fight:
ast Republicans (31) voted for re-
mmittal with Taft; only 18 supported
mdenberg. Taft still has pretty much
a mortgage on the Senate Republicans.
In Chicago a Democratic reform can-
didate for mayor, Martin H. Kennelly,
has beaten the GOP party hack put up
by Colonel McCormick. Observers have
long wondered when the: improvement
in municipal politics that struck New
York a quarter-century ago would finally
reach Chicago. Kennelly may help it
along if the Kelly Democratic machine
isn’t too powerful. Meanwhile the state —
GOP is further weakened by the appar-
ent participation of -Republican Gov-
ernor Green in the’ shakedown of coal
operators prior to the Centralia explo-
sion. These are not decisive political
factors. But they all illustrate two things:
the ’48 presidential race may. be closer
than anybody expected and the power
of the independent, progressive vote is
thereby tremendously enhanced.
I" isn’t considered polite to mention
corporation profits . in Washington
mn news dispatches, and we approach the
_ delicate subject with natural hesitation.
As the Wall Street Journal noted in a
" modest paragraph last week:
Corporation profits climbed to an an-
nual rate of $15 billion in 1947’s first
quarter, the Commerce Department cal-
culates. That’s $3 billion above 1946
profits. Field offices report businessmen
are worried about public reaction to these
profits and continued high prices.
You can see that the whole thing is
pretty darn embarrassing. First of all,
Congress knocked off the excess-profits ©
tax. That was almost its first reconver-
‘sion measure. It meant billions for cor-
porations. Then the OPA and the price-
control system went overboard. That
meant present high prices and more bil-
lions. Meanwhile generous tax refunds
from the Treasury (intended to help
business reconvert to peace) were paid
out to corporations: and actually met a
large share of their 1946 strike losses.
Now comes the new House tax bill to
aid millionaires. More billions here.
And all this time the richest market in
the world, and profits never before
known in war or peace! Well, the thing -
can’t last. A new wage-price-profits re-
lationship must come. The Easter sales
weren't up to expectations, some goods
are piling up and retailers like Macy’s
are swinging over to support consumers
against exorbitant manufacturers’ prices.
What comes next? A big shake-out.
Hew big we don’t know, but certainly
some unemployment.
Don’t think, however, that conserva-
tive congressmen are licked. One genial
GOP leader in a relaxed: moment ex-
plained to us all about it. It’s going to |
be a “stabilizing recession,” he said.
(Isn’t that a cute phrase?) There will
be maybe eight million unemployed,
‘and that will make labor behave. The
real crack-up, however, won't come for
five or ten years. And when it does—
why, it will be high time to think of
increased tariffs. Working men must be
‘taught the danger .of foreign , goods... -
flooding American ‘markets. Our man
seemed quite chipper about the whole
affair. And why shouldn’t he be, with
most newspapers still attacking labor
and as blushingly timorous about the
word “profits” as a Sunday-school
teacher is of the word ‘“‘sex’’?
N OTES.—Truman’s first veto is likely
to be the phony portal-pay legisla-
tion, which is actually an attack on the
wage-hour law. . .. GOP appropriation-
bill slashes, reckless as they are, come
nowhere near meeting the proposed cuts
in the Truman budget; what may save
the Republican’s bacon is the Treasury
tax surplus still piling up... . Western
Republicans are in violent revolt against
the bill for proposed cuts in the Interior
Department; proposed GOP cuts in
Army-Navy appropriations are being
quietly dropped. ... All the suits
against the OPA chiselers and black-
marketeers would be ended under a
pending resolution by Representative
Dirksen (R, Ill); this amnesty of
course would not extend to conscientious
objectors.
Washington T.R.B.
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