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Henry a Wallace — Part 4
Page 208
208 / 543
APRIL 14, 1947
are members of the same team and are neither scouting
nor stooging for another. ;
In 1798, this country, went through a Red scare simi-
lar in some respects to the one we ate experiencing today.
The’ French Revolution which had recently taken place
frightened conservatives in this country quite as much as
the Russian Revolution frightens them now. The Alien
and Sedition Laws of 1798 were designed to have sub-
stantially the same effect as the recent presidential execu-
tive order, except that they affected people in private life
as well as those working for the government, They pre-
scribed fines and imprisonment for those who combined
to oppose any measure of the government, impeded the
operation of any law, intimidated any officer of the United
States in the discharge of his duty, or uttered or published
bring the government of the United States or its officers
into disrepute, or to excite the hatred of the people for
that government. -
In so far as President Truman’s executive order tends
to punish people for their beliefs and not for their acts,
it goes even farther than the laws of 1798; but what was
done under those laws remains a shameful blot on our
national history. Editors of papers supporting the polit-
' ical party out of power were jailed, or ruined with heavy
fines, for writing editorials critical of the Administration.
_ People were sent to prison for heckling’ pro-Administra-
tion ‘speakers .at public meetings. ‘Among those who’ pro-
tested these laws were Marshall, Hamilton and Jefferson;
_and it is probable that the existence of these statutes con-
false, scandalous and malicious statements tending to_
POS Re Na
ee a ne aces to
13
choose the mob that is most sympathetic to him and to abide
under the shadow of that mob. _
In our present welter of feat and confusion there are
_a few propositions ‘to keep before us—propositions as
indisputable in the science of social behavior as those of
' Euclid in geometry,
ae
We must not forfeit our democracy in the effort to
preserve it. Aristotle knew that the way to offset any
quality is by the use of its opposite. Hunger is fought by
food, cold-by heat, intolerance by tolerance, hysteria by
calm, totalitarianism by democracy. One cannot abolish
the ideas of terror.and secret police by the use of terror
and secret police, « :
“HE President's executive order seéms to me a viola:
_#&..tion of the fundamental safeguards of Anglo-Saxon
justice in that it provides for no- hearing in a regularly
constituted court, no trial by jury, or review or appeal to
the existing higher courts. On the contrary, the execution
of this inquisitorial mandate is placed in the hands of
‘people who, on a basis of past record and public utter-
ance, have certainly ‘not been conspicuous for theit
sympathy with the ideals of freedom of thought and _
expression, oo.
All past history supports the prediction that any Red
hunt which receives official blessing such as is given in-
the President's executive order is bound to injure many
_ innocent victims, It is undesirable not only from the
tributed to the overthrow, at-the national election ‘two +
yeats later, of the party that had been in power.
T ust after World War I, we had another - period of
J hysteria which, in retrospect, seems to have been
equally inexcusable. A group of Socialist members of the
New York State Assembly were expelled solely on the.
gtound of their party affiliation. Magazines were held up
in the Post Office; others had: their mailing privileges
‘revoked entirely. Teachers and ministers were muzzled.
Under federal or state laws, people got long prison
terms for belonging to “seditious” organizations even
though it was proved in court that the individual in
question was not aware of the ‘seditious’ purpose of the
group. The situation was well described by Katharine
Fullerton Gerould in Harper’s in 1922:
America is no longer a free country, in the old sense; and
liberty is, increasingly, a mere rhetorical figure... . No think-
ing citizen, I venture to say, can express in freedom more
than a part of his honest convictions. . . . Everywhere, on
every hand, free speech is choked off in one direction or
another. The only way in which an American citizen who is
really interested in all the social and political problems of
his country can preserve any freedom of expression is to
standpoint of fundamental American ideals of fair play,
but on the narrowest grounds of self-interest. If the secu-
rity of the nation is in danger, if our welfare is at stake,
we need more good public servants, not fewer. How
many self-respecting men of ability, however deep their
love of country, will suffer the risk of being besmitched
by individuals like some of those now most active in the
effort to separate sheep from goats?
The current witch hunt will tend to drive from public
service the man who has ever read a book, Had an idea,
supported the ideals of Roosevelt’ or fought fascism. If
the President and his advisers are right, it will not keep
out of public service the Communists, who are, we are
told, so sly and devilish that they can elude detection. It
will work against the non-Communist liberal; he will
think twice, and more than twice, before he risks being
caught in the net which is flung so widely. The new witch
"hunt will inhibit the free flow of thought and interchange
of ideas which are so vital to national security and prog-
ress in a rapidly changing world.
We have little to fear from communism if we make
our democracy work, if we keep our country fully em-
ployed, prosperous and at peace. This is not an easy task;
perhaps that is why so many men find it more to their
taste to spread hatred, fear and dissension. But easy of
not, it 1s our task, Let us get to it, H. W.
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