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1 Peace on the Defensive HEN Warren R. Austin walked into the Security Council to pre- sent a justification of our aims and ’ methods in regard to Greece and Turkey, he faced the largest audience the Coun- cil sessions had ever drawn. UN meet- ings in other parts of the building were virtually at a standstill, Lights blazed down on the delegates and cameras gtound out the scene for pos- terity. It was unfortunate that the leading actor muffed his lines. Two seats to the tight of Austin, Andrei Gromyko raised his pencil and was rec- ognized. He announced that, in his opinion, Austin should present the Greek-aid pro- gram as an entirely new ques- tion—not as part of the bor- der dispute. Would Austin state his views on this procedure? Austin was recognized to ‘answer the question, but began reading his speech instead. The chairman stopped him. Austin turned crimson, commented that he thought the point of order had been decided. The chair sup- ported Austin, but Gromyko, not to. be outdone, said he would consider the matter as a new question anyhow. Again Austin was recognized and again he started to read_his speech—this. time before the interpreter had translated the remarks of the previous speaker. Somewhat ruffled, Austin finally got beyond the first paragraph and sailed through a six-page speech which ex- plained how the US was acting in the interests of the Greek people, the Greek government, the world and the UN—all at the same time. There was no refer- ence to Middle East strategy or oil, and © the red flag that Truman had waved so enthusiastically was somewhat lowered. If the beginnings had been unpro- pitious, the final outcome was uncon- vincing. Everyone knew that the speech had been scheduled only after public reaction demanded some gesture to the AUSTIN sarcastically . United Nations. On merit alone it was unsatisfying. Its omissions were as no- ticeable as its over-enthusisastic tributes to the UN. It is clear that after the Council de- bate between Gromyko and Austin there. will be more to say. In the mean- time one can predict what will happen. If you ask someone close to the Amer- -ican delegation about the Greek policy, the conversation will go like this: Q. Is there any possibility concessions to certain objec- tions the USSR might raise? A. Of course. The United States is always willing to make concessions. Q. What kind of conces- sions could be made? A. Well, we don’t know what points will be raised, but if, as we suspect, the Rus- ,, Sians raise the point that they do not favor any American loans for military purposes, that in itself is suspi- cious. After all, if we don’t send mili- tary aid to the Greek government, the Russians will send it to the guerrillas. F THIs is the opinion of ‘‘sources close to the American delegation,” then the press cannot be held solely respon- sible for its campaign to support Tru- man by attacking the UN. The attacks have ranged from mild criticism of the UN’s weakness to outright disapproval of the Secretary-General and some of his associates. A syndicated column by Joseph Alsop was probably the most blatant.of these attacks—and the least factual. Alsop began with a reference to the Greek program and the sug- gestion that the UN, its Secretary-Gen- eral and, above all, its Balkan investi- gating commission were entirely too far Left to:be trusted: ~ First there’ is ‘Colonel A. Roscher Lund (whom Alsop refers to as “a cer- tain Colonel Lund, a Norwegian close to Lie and believed . . : to have intimate Soviet connections”). According ° to those who know the Colonel, Alsop is that Austin can or. will_make.. NEW REPUBLIC ‘correct on two counts: Roscher Lund is a Norwegian and he:is close to Lie—he is listed in the organization as a “special adviser to the Secretary-General.” If he has Soviet connections they are obscure. His record shows that he was director of Norway's intelligence service during World War II, kept the Allied High Command informed about the 45 secret radio stations operating in occupied ‘Norway, was decorated by Britain, France and the US, had previously served in Norway’s regular army and joined the UN shortly after Lie became its Secretary-General. Next there is Gustav Gottesman, a Polish citizen serving as Roscher Lund’s assistant..Gattesman is referred. to as “a certain Pole, as to whose affiliations and sympathies there was even less doubt. ..” Factually speaking, Gottesman is a Polish Socialist who escaped from Po- land in 1940, worked for the Americans during the war, has been associated with ‘the Polish Government-in-Exile since 1941, throughout its various changes, and is married to a British citizen.-He was sent to the Balkans as a representa- tive. of the UN's Department of Security Council Affairs. tsop’s third attack on the Secretariat AS was leveled against the com- mission’s press officer, Stanley Ryan, “who either shared the same affiliations ot suffered from a severe case of in- competence.” Ryan is a Russian-born Canadian citizen with experience on pa- pets in Europe, South America and North America. Over the past year he ‘has covered the controversial meetings of the Atomic Energy Commission and the Security Council for the UN press division and there have beeti no attacks on either his competence or his objec- tivity. Some time ago the Greek government publicly, but unofficially, questioned Ryan’s sympathies. Stories appearéd in the American press, but the UN re- ceived no formal complaint. Alsop’s charges echo the attacks initiated by the Greek royalist government. Friends of the Truman Doctrine and of the Greek government are developing these at- tacks into a holy crusade against the United Nations and its Secretary-Gen- eral, JANE BEDELL AP] reali: that fello in y thin; So y of a: cour: for t ized Pow alloc port port: Rob: eyes ente if o. hanc stras shor thou lane wou scare You wou acco Mid not eno: Til whi. intr: Thi: on « cho: and thes Aik fina fere cluc por 194 sio1