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Thurgood Marshall — Part 12
Page 128
128 / 254
—
one. Next day, it turned out to be one
of the first questions Justice Frankfurter
asked. Marshall look evasive action and
Frankfurter, the record indicates, was di-
verted if not salished,
"| Was So Happy.” In the Supreme
Court arguments, Marshall was facing the
man who for 30 years had been the most
presligicus U.S. constitutional lawyer:
John W. Davis. For weeks Marshall had
been overworked, nervous, irritable. In
court he was, as always, calm. polite. quick
lo grasp the inferences of a question, never
loud, never oratorical. At one point he
managed to get into a few potent sen-
tences his analysis of the South’s attilude:
“IT got the feeling on hearing the dis-
cussion yesterday.” he said, “that when
you pul a while child in a school with a
whole lot of colored children, the child
would fall apart or something. Everybody
knows that jis not true. Those same kids
in Virginia and South Carolina—and I
have secn them do it—thes play in the
streets together. they play on their farms
{ogether, they go down the road together,
they separate Lo go to school. they come
out of school] and play ball together. They
have to be separated in school... Why.
ol all the multitudinous groups of people
in This_country, [do] you e to single
out the Negrocs and give them this. scp-
arate trea(menl? It can't he_because of
slavery in the past, Because there are very
few groups in this country (that. haven't
had slavery some place hack in the history
of thir groups. Tt can't be color, because
Ciiere are’ Negros as white as the xiriited
segregated as the colored men. The only
thing it can be 1s an inherent determina-
tien Lhat the people who were formerly
in slavery, regardless of anything else,
shall be kept as near Lhat stage as is pos-
sible. And now is the lime, we submit, that
this court should make it clear that that is
nol what our Constitulion stands for.”
This, and Marshall's social-scientist ap-
proach, paid_olt. In his opinion Tor the
whole court, Chief Justice Earl Warren in
sentence afier sentence reflecied the con-
viction that under present conditions of
U.S. life. education could not be separate
and equal. When he heard the decision
resd, says Thurgood Marshall: “I was so
happy. [was numb.”
Unchanging Instrument. He has a pro-
found respect 4: the federal judiciary. He
has tried case afler Sasehehs
sre Southern
federal judges, whose convictions on the
subject of segregation he knows lo he
diametrically opposed to his own. “And
they believe what they believe jusl as
hard as I believe what I helieve.” In all
those cases, before all those judges, Mar-
shall remembers only one judge who was,
in his opinion, unfair and discourteous.
Marshall knows that he and the South-
erm federa! judges he respects are checked
by the same steely framework of the
Anglo-American legal tradition and, espe-
cially, the U.S. Constitution. He says:
“The difference between the Constilution
and the law is something a lot af people
TIME, SEPTEMBER 19, 1955
don't seem to appreciate. The law can ftuc-
tuale because of the changing whims of
the people and their legislators. But the
whole purpose of the Constitution is lo
serve as an instrument which cannot be
changed overnight. which docs not change
when mores and customs change.”
Southerners charge that Marshall was
instrumental in “changing the Constitu-
lion in the Supreme Court's desegrega-
tion decision, But from his point of view
—and from the court’s—he merely pro-
duced new evidence to show that the old
rule of separate-but-equal { Plessy v. Fer
r:
Where it approaches or exceeds sof, (he
P49
end can hardly he imagined. Vet Marshall
will nat accept a thearclical solution that
the only chance for desegregation in Mis-
sixsippi and other parts of the Deep Sauth
is a mass Tnigration aT Negroes That will
drastically change population percentages
iser pap). Perhaps he remembers hi-
ancestor Jrom the Congo, who would not
leave the state even for his manunission.
Last week. after vacation. Thurgood
Marshall was hack in Manhattan. dealing
briskly with scores of tactical decisions ip
riers raring ngreasinee ees
C. Atco:
ApPOINTMES T IN ELAVANA
A delicate balance of furmoils.
ruson, 1894) did not really give the equal-
ity before the flaw which the rgth Amend-
ment guarantees.
Hard to Procrastinate. Achieving de-
segregation, county by counly, school dis-
trict by school district, throws upon Mar-
shall a tremendous foad of responsibility
and decision. The present picture from
slate to slate varies over a wide range
(see Report Card}. Oklahoma is, from
N.A.A.C.P.’s standpoint, surprisingly good.
North Carolina surprisingly bad. [n some
areas. Marshall may not want, for tactical
reasons, lo bring suil now—bul when local
NLAA.C.P. people urge him. he finds it
bitterly hard to procrastinate, lest those
men and women who sign the petitions
feel that the N.A.A.C.P. has let them
down, In other areas. he might want lo
proceed more vigorously, but clients, be-
cause of fear, do not come forward. Mar-
shall does not blame them. He remembers
the time when he scroonched down in bis
B. & QO. panis. and the time on the Missis-
sippt railroad platform when he wrapped
his constitutional rights in Cellophane.
Generally, speaking segregation is ea
i
ing inareas where Negro population is less
than To’. Where it’ ranges hetween 1o%
and 257. the fight may not be too hard.
|
the desegregation fight. Acrass the land.
he guided and coordinated the wark of
scores of lawyers in one of the biggest le-
gal operations in U.S. hislory. He seemed
fresh and rested, though the vacation. bis
first In cight years, had been a mockery.
Work caught up with hin at Minami.
and al the end of the joh his nerve ends
were raw. He owas in a moad of acute
awareness of how fur he and his cause had
come. and at the same Ume, he fell a
strong sense of how hard and long was the
road ahead. He did net want merely Ce
win, but to win in the way that woul
cause Jeust pain to Negro and while and
reflect the most eredit on the US, Can-
sUtution,
Stretched on the rack of one of the
tensest and most excHing careers in the
U.S, today, Thurgood Marshall in Ntiami
said: “I'm gonna take a two-day vacation
ta rest from my vacation. Pin gains ta
Havana. Never heen there: hear they Creat
aman fine.” The ghost of an anttcipatary
“smile iitted over his faces (hen the pained
look came back. “Dont know why Um
going lo Havana,” he said slowly. “Trouble
is when [ get there, you know who ['m
gonna find there. toa”
“Me.”
27
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