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Peace And Disarmament Literature — Part 5
Page 72
72 / 171
counterforce posture is very much affect.
ed, may prove a vital factor in disarma-
ment negotiations.
It cannot be seriously believed now
that the U.S.S.R. has either the capabil-
ity or the intention of making an all-out
attack on U.S. missile sites and bomber
bases. Much genuine alarm in the West
might have been allayed if the U.S.S.R
had been more successful in making
clearer its disbelief in the military possi-
bility of a successful first-counterforce
strike and its intention not to plan for
such a possibility. After the brutality of
Soviet action in Hungary in 1956 and
the technological triumph of the artifi-
cial satellite the following year, there
may have been legitimate grounds in the
West for fearing that the U.S.S.R. might
adopt the Westem policy of massive re-
taliation, which, against a nuclear power,
fequires a counterforce capability. In
January, 1960, however, Khrushchev ex-
plicitly declared the Soviet commitment
to a purely retaliatory strategy. The
Soviet second-strike force was strong
enough, he said, “to wipe the country or
countries which attack us off the face of
the earth.” To his own rhetorical ques-
tion, “Will they not, possibly, show per-
fidy and attack us first...and thus have
an advantage to achieve victory?” he
replied: “No. Contemporary means of
waging war do not give any country
such advantages.” In addition to freeing
resources for capital development, the
Soviet minimum-deterrent strategy has
avoided the greatest military danger:
that the U.S. might attack the U.S.S.R.
because of a belief that the U.S.S.R. was
about to attack the U.S.
Ji the analysis given here is epproxi-
mately correct, what are the prospects
of progress toward disarmament at the
present meeting in Geneva? Both blocs
are fully committed by official pro-
nouncements to the goal of complete and
general disarmament under strict con-
trol and inspection—notably by the Brit-
sh Commonwealth Prime Ministers’
statement in the spring of 1961, by
President Kennedy's speech to the Gen-
eral Assembly of the United Nations and
by the Soviet-American joint Statement
of Principles, both in September of 1961.
Moreover, both sides are committed to
attempting to work out first steps of the
disarmament process that do not impair
the present strategic balance.
Clearly, conventional and nuclear dis-
armament must go in parallel. The fear
of the West of Soviet superiority in
trained and deployed land forces must
be met by a drastic reduction during the
7]
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MILES 1 4
GROUND BURST of a nuclear bomb would be required to neutralize 2 “hardened” (i.e.
buried) missile site. Diameter of the crater dug by a 10-megaton ground burst in dry soil
would be 2,600 feet; the depth of the crater would be 250 feet. Radius of the underground
“plastic zone” (outer line below ground) would be 3,250 feet; the radias of the “rupture zone”
(inner line below ground) would be 2,000 feet. At a distance of 1.1 miles from ground zero
the blast would exert an air pressure of some 300 pounds per square inch (inner circle above
ground); at a distance of 1.5 miles (outer circle above ground}, 100 pounds per equare inch.
0 10 20 wn “0
MILES
PATTERN OF GROUND BURSTS would be required to neutralize a dispersed group of
hardened missile sites. In this schematic drawing a “circle of probable error” of one mile is
assumed for each of the attacking missiles; this implies that at least two missiles would be
directed at each of the sites. There are five sites, represented by dots, The smatler of each
of the 10 pairs of concentric circles represents the 2,600-foot diameter of a 10-megaton bomb
crater; the larger of the circles, the L.l.mile radius at which the air pressure is 300
pounds per square inch. The total weight of the attack on the five bases is 100 megatons. The
scale of the drawing is the same es that of the mup of St. Lovis ot the bottom of page 6.
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