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American Friends Service Committee — Part 8
Page 92
92 / 93
gesting neutralization anl poinicon Ines to sup:
port neutralion are in exile or in pristu. Under euch
conditions it is ohvions that e genuine refiection of pop
ular wishes can be obtained only when the United
States decides to stand acide and permit all contending
factions to vie for popular support.
Admittedly. if there is euficient support among the
people, Communist elements might well gain control
of a freely elected governent, @ fact of life which we
should he prepared to face. There is, however, eonsider-
able evidence that a genuinely representative South
Vietnam government, whether Communist or non-Com-
would opt for peace and neutrality, perhaps
under international guarantece. Jt is also likely that
North Vietnam, or even a Communist-oriented, unified
etnam, would welcome an opportunity to minimize
dependence on China. the historical “imperialist
of Asia, Consolidation of the complementary econo-
mies of North and South Vietnam would help to acconi-
_plish this by permitting the Southern rice surplus to
fill the North's rice deficit, at the same time catering
to the nationalistic passion which so dominates Viet-
name-e thought. The recent fissures in the Communist
bloc suggest that nationalism will increasingly assert
itself over monolithic Communism, and a unified or
federated Vitnam would enjoy much greater mancuver-
ahility to pursue such a course.
The precise form which any negotiated solution might
take can hardly Ie predicted at this time, Public state-
tats hy the’ National Likeration Front, spokesman
+ bulk of the insurgent forees, concentrate on di
i~ for a crssation of United States intervention in
south Vietnam affairs. According to Georges Chaflard
of Le Moride, the Front favors a neutral belt to include
South Vietnam. Cambodia. and Laos and docs not want
Sourh Vietnam to become dependent upon North Viet-
nam. Other rebel elements. more closely oriented
loward North Vietnam. give high priority to unification
of the country.
The continuing crisis in neighboring Laos cannot be
seted until there has heen a@ settlement in Vietnam,
nor are our tonchy rela with Cambedia likely to
improve eo Jong as we obstruct efforts to bring peace
along her frontier. Caribodia has twice complained to
the United Nations about United States violation: of
her border: first. charging that Ancricans participated
in a hambing mission which killed 17 Cambodians.
and second, charging us with the aerial spraying of
destructive cheinicals over Cambodian territory. Such
“inciaents” do u- no good but great harm; they could
even serve to ignite a major conflict
The idea of revonyening the 1954 Geneva Conference
which ended the French-Indochinese conflict has been
revived periodically, ‘most recently by U Thant (July
9, 196$,. The United States response to thie suggestion
has been essentially th
are apected no prot
conf sence,
the existing agreements
uld be served hy another
Considerable doubt is cast on the sincerity of thie ree
aponee in view of the well known fact that some of the
most blatant violations of the Geneva accords have been
commitied by the United States or with its encourage-
ment. Probably the most crucial term of the Geneve
Cease-fire Agreement was the provision for nationwide
unifying elections to be held by June 1956..The South
Vietnam government, correctly afraid that it would lose
such an election, if for no other reason than ite emaller
popalation, adamantly refused to honor thie provision
in 1956. and has steadfastly continued to refuse to per-
mit unification elections despite periodic demands for
these elections by the North. (Both South Vietnam and
the United States hide behind the technically correct
claim that they never signed the Geneva agreements.)
Other provisions of the Agrecuicnt prohibited the intro-
duction into Vietnam any additional military pereonnel
(Article 16) or armaments (Article 17+ and forbade the
establichment of new military bases (Article 18). By
1956 both North and Somth Vietnam had been found
ily of violating these conditions. The massive build-
up of United States forces in 2901, including the con-
struction of jet air bases, was all done in knowing vio-
lation of this Agreement.
Another approach ha- been that of General De Gaulle.
Te proposes that the United States. the Soviet Union.
China, and France withdraw from Indochina and that
a massive economic and technical aid program be eub-
stituted for the fighting. This proposal, and indeed the
entire idea of taking the Vietnamese conflict to the
conference table was summarily rejected by President
Johnson (press conference, July 24, 1964) within 2
hours after the General suggested it, Such haste ind
cated a rigid and unthinking responte,
Any course of action ix risky, but almost nonc is more
risky than the one we are following. Ae mature indi-
viduale Americans must realize that we cannot dictate
to every corner of the globe, nor do we win respect for
ourselves by brandishing our nuclear arsenal wheneve
we cannot have our way- Forces in existence before the
discovery of North America as wel] as forces fresh
as post-World War JJ nationalism. are at work in the
Vietnamese conflict. An American-backed, uwurepre-
sentative governnient can temvorarily distort the rela-
tive strengths of these forces, but until they are allowed
to assert themselves and to find their support among &
free population, unchecked guerrilla warfare, accom
panied by a political instability which cannot be re
ttricted to Vietnam's border, will continue to sap United
States energies and prestige, to irritate United States
politics, both domestic and international. to aggravate
the racial polarization of the world. and to etoke the
flames of World War HT.
Published as an educational service by TURN TOWARD PEACE, INC.
‘Additional copies available; send orders to Cooper Station Box 401, New York, New York 10003
Single copies $15
100 copies
10 copies 1,00
500 copies
$ 7.50
30.00
1000 copies $50.00
A Joint effort of some seventy voluntary organizations to find solutions to international problems which do not inve:ve
threats of war or surrender of freedom or democratic values,
TURN TOWARD PEACE does not itself take policy positions
on specific igsues, such as the situation in Vietnam, but seeks to provide background information and to stimulate the kind
of discussion necessary to find constructive answers. This paper is part of that effort. It was prepared at the request of
twenty organizations which discussed and agreed upon the great need of American citizens for adequate background
information on Southeast Asia and Vietnam, *
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