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Charles Lindbergh — Part 1
Page 96
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(
a et fa] C
pout at the opening of is session the ‘little d ( rince to the Allies
7 . S
if we-refase to export minufecttre? wai munitions to then, es long &32
-can get the raw materials which ther are nox permitted to biy+—_*haie>
the alfferense, the Congress wag cnllad to disvdlve it. it fe afer:
cor us to be neutral, to be secure, to
cne which seexs to make all nutions gec
in en open, active vpertie
p to @varantee our own security, ve sh&li not be neutre
| tetween an airplane bomber and an anti-aircraft gun, between & subsari
Zona a depth bomb. An anti-aircraft gun mounted in Jew York “arver or
fensive act against her the results of this war-time legislavion #hich
its enewies to fight her. The majority vote which chanje: the neutral
‘laws will, in the logic end sympathies that motivated it, undoubtedly
peal the Johnson Act. How soon this heppens depends eltogether on the
nancial pressure on the Allies which s lengthening wer is sure to’ brin
;increes ing embarrassment to then.
4n influence towards ending the war should have been a motivation
our latest neutrality legislation. Our part should be to throw water
European choflagration, not oil. As an act of mercy to the helple
‘victims of statesmen, the men in uniforms as well ag non-combetants, t
™ Congress should now give as much attention to the problem of ‘stopping
as it g}ve to this neutrality effo: na _resolve_to have the we:
fter
not after certain bojectives have been attained, but tomorrow - today.
ai otatora and near-dictators of Europe must be made. to realize that th
,can be no logic before the ‘Throne of Kercy in all the wequences of dip
matic bluniers, from Yersailles to the first anthorized order for hcst
ties ina new war, which can excuse a single supreme sacrifice as long
a peace without victory may be had in more humility in the world's gre
ore that Throne. ‘These men are not great if they cannot govern wit
Fscorificing hundreds of thousands, possibly millions, of young men mes
eF
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