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Charles Lindbergh — Part 1
Page 97
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es * 3 N
ban amf,- ‘most like}: C @ people ffom the Co) fes of Europ
mamperial democracies: B must be a gbncerta errort to put an ex
war that cannot be carried on without harming all neutrals, in whi
own soverelenty is subverted in logislation,toreia one side; a nentr
}veition which oan but lead to our military participation in urcoie:
Fwar, in which nations end idealiamsa ages in the méking will be tut ;
Mof Machipavelian statesmen.
In @ peace without victory, or during an armistice, the democra
ow Pofe tig dee which will —
World outlined én & booklet ge follow this one, THE-LONGER-INS WAA L
oe SURER-WE'EE-BE-IN-I7, would apply its sanctions to Germany and RP
- related the nd
perespecting tesues arising to thie war; severing all aiplonatie,
ons—with them—until they—comebefore some tribunal of ad jastme
t that peace would find Poland in the aad plight for which Hitler
econ
from being alone in responsibility. Neyertheless, it must be in the
an
ione of a new democracy that Poland be reestablished; not as, incide
position
esubt of a war to continue Baglend's 8,in world affaira and as croupi
chain of imperial comzonwealthsa# .
Hitler, in an idealism which could not envisage the coming demo
efthat would give to Germany all that is German, o> in an outlook whic
illing to stop short of war that he might reunite the Gerrany which
that
Bailles severed. The Allies went to war to uphold what,coming bette
quer mankind; that _to reassure mankind they themselves would insist
: which mould prevent this in an idealism that has never sbused 5
Let the so-called Yestern Democracies give up their irperial ga
Wein Enrope from which all mtions may work for permanent peace. wi th
his sacrifice by them a democratic world and permanent peace’. ‘gan oo
gh_their attrition of imper- +o page -- 18" -= ,
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