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Charles Lindbergh — Part 11
Page 7
7 / 83
coats
ourselves; that we may be invaded by air-
craft from the Greenland ice cap, or even
by transatlantic parachute troops descend-
ing on our city streets. They have alr
led us far along the road to war—the same
road that we traveled in 1917; then too at
their behest,
But there is one a)l-important difference
between the European war when we entered
it in 1917, and the European war today. It
is this difference which must be brought to
the attention of every American, for the
entire future of our nation hangs upon it.
It is, that when we entered the last war we
could see how victory cowld be won, but
today we cannot. In 1917, the Central
Powers were fighting France and Great
Britain in the west, Russia in the
Italy in the south. The German armies had
already suffered severe reverses, Even
Japan had entered the war on the Allied side.
in 1941, however, we face an entirely
different situation. Germany has conquered
France. She has an Blliance with Italy,
col
pl tr
Europe from Spain to the Arctic Ocean.
British shipping losses are already of the
~ -atmost seriousness, and the major ports and
industrial centers of England have been
heavily bombed.
‘The fact is that America is not in a posi-
tion to wage a successful war in Europe
under present conditions. We, ourselves, are
not prepared, and even if we were, where
would we send our soldiers to fight? How
are we to force a landing on the European
continent against the prepared positions of
the strongest military power in the world?
If the British, French and Belgian armies
combined could not hold the fortifications
they had spent years in building along the
German border, how can we be expected to
cross the Atlantic Ocean and invade the
continent of Europe against the opposition
of the same army, navy and air force that
thrust the British fleet from the coast of
Norway, and broke the Maginot Line?
The people who shouted for England and
France to declare war in 1939 called for
suicide and defeat. Because of their hys-
teria and blindness, the bravest men of
France and England marched to disaster
and to death. Whiie inteliectuais of
Europe preached of Christianity, democracy
and idealism, they threw a wave of human
flesh against s fortified concrete line —
without adequate guns, or tanks, or aircraft
even for defense, to say nothing of attack.
Has this attitude of life succeeded? Has
tt gained freedom for France of security
for England? Has it stamped out aggres-
sion or heightened civilization? Has democ-
racy gained or bas it lost through such
leadership? These are questions that we
in Amenca must answer. With failure in
Europe before our eyes, shall we follo
this same course? Shell we throw ourselves
into war in a fervor of idealism, shouting
about how we think the world should be
run? Or shall we discuss calmly how our
objectives can be accomplished, and ade-
quately prepare ourselves to reach them?
Personally, I believe that by our with-
irawal from Europe after the last
and our failure to prepare for this one
many years ago, we are already committed
to a pol of military “isolation.” I be-
eve that if we abandon this policy at the
Present time, we are courting national
disaster, just as “France and England
courted disaster when they, unprepared,
Geclared war over the German invasion of
Poland. A nation cannot change overnight
from an attitude of peace to an attitude of
war. It takes many years of planning and
Preparation before great military strength
can be attained. I believe it is not any
longer a question of what we wish to do
in this war, but rather one of what we cae
foses, we are not strong enough to defend
do. I believe that for us to enter the con-
flict in Europe at this time would result
in defeat and humiliation, If we are to
enter such a conflict successfully, then we
must prepare for it not for one year or for
two, but for ten years or for twenty a8
Germany has done.
On the other hand, I believe that we can
build a military and commercia) position on
this continent that is impregnable to attack,
and which will force other nations to trade
with us, if through expediency alone, Even
if America intended eventually to dominate
the entire world, as some People now seem
to want us to do, I would say that our
first step should be to consolidate our de-
fenses at home, so that we could prepare
ourselves in safety for our adventures be-
yond the seas. .
Every difficulty we would have in invading
Europe would be an advantage for us in
defending America. Our armies would be
fighting on home soil, our Navy would be
close to its our air force could strike
with its utmost effect. It would be the
enemy's probiem, not ours, to crosé the ocean
with millions of troops and their supplies,
fo pass by our submarines, our battleships,
4 q"oar bombing. planes, and to force @
Ending on American shores against the
na of our coast artillery and our Army.
: could not hold the coast
a ¢ the German air fore
en the British navy dared not remain
A ‘Skagerrak, or even permanently in the
North Sea; when the German military ma-
chine, after crashing through the Maginot
Line and routing the French army and the
i citi force, has been held
Br ish expedite by twenty-five miles of
English Channel—how is any navy to ap-
proach the shores of America and land an
Invading army against the combined resist-
ance of our military forces?
There has been much discussion of an air
invasion of America. This is partially aus
te Pp nda, Pi nd
partial! of
wanda, partially to hys!
ty, I. believe, to a misconception
the so-called “air invasions” of Norway and
Holland by the German air force. Person-
ally, although I think the effectiveness of
military aviation is still underestimated, I
do not believe there is the slightest danger
= purely sir of
of 8 purely air of
or at any time we can now foresee. To be
gin with, the distance across the oceans is
far too great to permit the air transport
of armies large enough to invade us suc.
cessfully, even if one assumes that they had
8 place to land unopposed by our own mili;
tery forces. But,
distance, we shot
that there has never been a successful in-
vasion by air, alone. The outstanding ex-
amples of the use of aviation for invasion
of enemy territory occurred during the
ie Ger-
man occupations of Norway and Holland.
But in each of these instances. the landing
of troops by air was carried on simultane-
ously with the movement of ground and
naval forces on a major scale. The maxi-
mum number of troops that could have been
transported and supplied by air would have
been ineffective without the immediate sup-
port of a ground army. If air invasion alone
coul? be successful, it would have been used
by the Germans against England many
months ago,
But what about the northern routes, cry
the alarmists; won't we be invaded by way
of Greenland and Alaska, where the dis-
tances between land are short? Possibly
the best answer to this question is in the
form of another: Why, if these northern
Toutes are so al tageous, do you suppore
the commercial airlines to Europe and Asia
prefer the great overwater distances far-
ther south? The answer is that ice and fog
and bitter cold still force men southward in
their questa of commerce and of war. Ex-
é
. crews of
cept in adventure and exploration, me
low the routes which offer the gr
safety and require the least effort —
these are not in the north.
if all the transatlantic air route
simplest to fly is the one that lies be
Africa and South America. This fi
being used today in much of the war |
ganda we hear. German airplanes, ¥
told, will fly to Africa by the thou
hop’across the ocean to South Americ
fuel and fiy up and invade the United 5
ing aside the problems that
have to solved in Europe and .
before thousands of German ir
could take off on such a venture, let u
sider what preparations would have
made for their arrival in South Ame
Brazil, to be ap There woul:
to be dozens of previously prepare
dromes, equipped with tanks and fu
skilled mechanics. AJ] of th
and supplies required would have
transported by sea. In fact many
transports and tens of thousands of
ere would
9 8
be arranged, So that when anyone spe
ir invasion via Africa and South /
ca, he presupposes that Germany ha
the war in Europe; that the countri
has conquered are either 80 well sa
or 80 completely subdued that she i
to devote her attention to an inte
spherical struggle (with Asia always
back door); that she has Africa als
in hand; and finally that she has, in ¢
tion to the armed forces of Brazil bac!
our own Army, Navy and Air Corps
wble to construct and supply the nec
airdromes in eastern South America.
After that, of course, it is still 7
trom eastern Brazil to the contine
North America than it was from Ge
originally, so other ups of air
would have to be established, farther
before enemy planes based in South 4
ca would have any advantage over
planes based on their home airpo
urope. And since there are no ra
through that portion of South A‘
these bases too would have to be estat
ry sea.
No, the more one studies the pt
invasion of America is entirely out
question. Invading forces would ht
come by sea, and if they made such
tempt, it would be our American a
that flew out to meet them and d
raiding.
Of ail the nations in the world, ¥
the most impregnable position of di
‘We have highly developed industries,
rational resources and a population
hundred and thirty million people
which to draw. There is not a nat
this hemisphere strong enough even |
aid gous, We are flanked |
Atlantic Ocean on the east, and the
‘on the west. In the north, we are pri
by the wastelands of the Arctic.
all history, has a nation been si
plessed? ‘Then why in our maturi
more than in our youth, “Why, bs
weaving our destiny with that of a:
of Europe, entangle our peace ant
perity in the toils of European ar
rivalship, interest, humor or caprice
It is often asked today why our 1
ment program moves s9 slowly, W
people are so divided and confused,
indeed! The answer is clear. It is '
‘we have neglected the wisdom and
ence of our forefathers—we have 1
lowed Washington’s advice. We have
destiny of America become confus
entangled with that of foreign lan
leaders have attempted to transfer
for our own country to loyalty for
of Europe.” One portion of our pec
{4
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